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1. Recent History of Somaliland
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Colonial Period
Somaliland was declared a British protectorate in 1886 and despite popular revolt from 1899 to 1920 and a brief occupation of the protectorate by Italian troops in 1940-41, the British maintained colonial rule until 1960. British interests in Somaliland lay mainly in the strategic position of its coastline as a trading point, and they invested very little in physical or social infrastructure, leaving Somaliland with just one secondary school at independence. However, in contrast to Italian rule in south-central Somalia, where patronage and violence undermined Somali social organisation, the British system of indirect governance favoured administration through existing clan authorities. British absence reinforced a relatively cohesive traditional authority in Somaliland.
Post-colonial period
Somaliland declared independence on 26 June 1960 and was immediately recognised by thirty-five states, but just five days later on 1 July, Somaliland voluntarily united with Italian Somalia to become the Republic of Somalia. However, the north was soon neglected in favour of central government priorities, causing local resentment.
President Siad Barre’s regime (1969-1991) ruled through patronage based on weak alliances, and as Somaliland was considered strategically important, the region was politically sidelined and subject to early efforts at ‘clan cleansing.’ When war broke out between Somalia and Ethiopia in 1977, a disproportionate concentration of casualties amongst north-west troops fuelled further resentment in the northern region.
Between 1969 and 1978 the Barre regime exercised significant control over Somalia’s national territory, and in much of the Republic local patrons of the regime used violence to control economic opportunities. However, while Barre’s divide and rule tactics fractured south-central Somalia (his early favourites would emerge as competing militia leaders in the early 1990s), in north-west Somalia exclusion and repression by the central government reinforced the legitimacy of alternative forms of local governance. Throughout the 1980s, clan authorities developed strong social and economic ties with the Somaliland population.
By the 1980s, the central Somali government was dependent on external sources of revenue and was pacifying rivals with aid handouts, to growing popular unrest. Several rebel movements formed. In London, frustrated Diaspora intellectuals affiliated to the Isaaq Somaliland clan established the Somali National Movement (SNM).
The Somali National Movement operated from neighbouring Ethiopia. However, in 1988, after a Somali agreement with Ethiopia threatened their bases, SNM rebels dramatically escalated their operations Somaliland. The central government reacted with a brutal bombing campaign, intensifying hostility in the region.
The regional capital Hargeisa was near-destroyed, an estimated 50,000 people were killed, and a further half a million displaced.
When Barre fell in 1991, along with the country’s political, economic and administrative institutions and any semblance of central government, the Somali National Movement was the largest power in the north. On 18 May 1991, the SNM revoked the 1960 Act of Union, and declared Somaliland independent. No country has officially recognised its statehood.
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2. Somaliland today: Political Dynamics
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In contrast to the foreign programmes in the south-central region, Somaliland has been characterised by a lack of external intervention. The region has also been conspicuous for its stability and security in an otherwise violent and lawless locality. After some initial problems with banditry and a serious intra-SNM factional conflict in 1992, a National Charter was formed in 1993 and the SNM handed power to Mohammed Egal. Egal was appointed President of an administration combining modern and traditional forms of governance. The region’s business and clan groups lent legitimacy by providing vital support to the new government, which could draw on local social and economic ties formed under the corrupt Barre state.
A functioning state apparatus
Unlike Somalia, an internationally recognised state without a functioning government, Somaliland has a fully functioning central administration but no recognition. The Somaliland authorities have concentrated on achieving the milestones of an independent state, establishing security within a territory and forming a functioning administration capable of entering into relations with other states. It carried out a successful demobilisation campaign and established police forces and judicial systems in the towns. When security had been stabilised, basic service delivery and a taxation infrastructure were established, and economic growth and trade increased steadily.
Somaliland has a Constitution – ratified in a referendum in 2001 – which institutionalises the separation of central authority’s power, active opposition parties, an independent press, and in 2003, held multi-party competitive Presidential elections. The next presidential elections are due to take place in August 2008, with tight controls against vote tampering.
“For a long time Somaliland has been ignored. But we have been patient, because the reality on the ground is what matters: making peace, building democracy, establishing schools, generating revenue, establishing law and order, demobilising combatant militia. We did it ourselves. Eventually these achievements will be recognised.”
Elder
Hargeisa, Somaliland, March 2008
“Somaliland is a gift to the International Community at this moment. If they recognised Somaliland they would get immense returns on that investment.”
Elder
Somali businessman
Djibouti, March 2008
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In return for economic and political support, Hargeisa has provided security for the business community, as well as the general population. To ensure that Somaliland remains a peaceful region while wars rage on its borders, it has spent heavily on military defence and policing at the expense of health and education programmes, for which it has been criticised by some human rights organisations. However, sustained economic growth and personal security represent an enormous achievement in the region, and are highly valued by the general population. The military and police also provide targeted employment for young males, many of whom own personal arms and have military experience, and could otherwise be a cause of insecurity.
In 2003 and 2004, a number of attacks were carried out on foreign aid workers in Somaliland, prompting fears that radical Islamist groups were operating in the region. Almost all Somalis are Sunni Muslims of the Shafi’i school and Islam is one of the few movements that can cut across clan divides and historical tensions. However, radical Islam is opposed by many, and in Somaliland, religious authorities and the general population have shown intolerance for such movements.
The government of Somaliland has been consistently hostile to radical Islamist influences, but considers its struggle against terrorists to be a domestic issue, not part of the United States’ global War on Terror. However, Somaliland also cooperates with US counter-terrorism efforts, and this cooperation has resulted in some arrests.
“The people at grassroots level are not supportive of extremism here. Extremists are seen as external attackers, not internal defenders. However, they do operate freely in some areas. They are involved in the economy and in schools.”
Elder
Hargeisa, Somaliland, March 2008
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Despite minimal local support for extremism in Somaliland, there is some concern that radical Islamism could be gaining ground. The limited budget of the government means that there is a gap in educational provision. In some areas this gap is being filled by Arab-funded madrassas teaching radical Islamist ideology. There are concerns that radical Islamism is also being imported by Somalilanders radicalised in other countries. Positive diplomatic relations with the international community and greater funding for local educational systems could counter this influence.
External relations
In 2004, former Puntland President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed was appointed President of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government. He has loudly opposed Somaliland independence, calling for a unified Somalia. Although Somalia’s Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein has recently talked about reconciliation with political opposition within south-central Somalia, he has made no similar comments about Somaliland. With Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government focused on the extreme problems in Mogadishu and south-central Somalia, there are currently no indications that it is willing to negotiate a peaceful settlement recognising Somaliland’s independence.
To date, no states have recognised Somaliland’s independence. Despite this, Somaliland’s government has adopted a pragmatic relationship with its neighbours. Economic ties and diplomatic relations with Djibouti have improved since 2003, partly due to strong clan ties (the current President of Somaliland is from the Dir clan, predominant in Djibouti).
Political engagement with Ethiopia is necessary due to the nomadic Somali populations that move across the border, bringing local land and clan conflicts with them. Ethiopia is a stronger and more powerful state, however it is landlocked; Somaliland’s Berbera port is an important trade point to which Somaliland granted Ethiopia formal access in 2000. Ethiopia has a Trade Liaison Office in Hargeisa, headed by a diplomat with the rank of Ambassador, and Somaliland also has a Liaison office in Addis Ababa.
“There is a fear that Ethiopia will grow in influence: we need to stabilise Somaliland so we don’t have to be so concerned about this. If Ethiopia grows in influence in Somaliland, this will provide fertile ground for the growth of Al-Shabab ‘nationalism’ in Somaliland.”
Elder
Hargeisa, Somaliland, March 2008
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Ongoing issues of concern in Somaliland
A number of issues could derail Somaliland’s progression towards official recognition. Some of the territory’s clans remain politically marginalised, and allegations of political corruption have been raised. In addition, fears that political positioning prior to the upcoming Presidential elections could spill over into violence appear to be realised, as evidenced by the series of explosions in April 2008 in Hargeisa. However, despite these issues of concern, it is clear that Somaliland has achieved a significant level of progress and stability, particularly when measured against Somalia.
International Stance on Somaliland
African Union: initial findings
Although the African Union (AU) has made some positive noises about the possibility of recognising Somaliland’s independence, it has done little to convert these sentiments into action, and AU member states have not taken a collective position regarding recognition. An AU fact-finding mission to Somaliland in April-May 2005 generated some apparently positive findings:
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“Going by the clear presentation and articulate demands of the authorities and people of Somaliland concerning their political, social and economic history, Somaliland has been made a “pariah region” by default. The Union established in 1960 brought enormous injustice and suffering to the people of the region. The fact that the “union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified” and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of “opening a Pandora’s box.” As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”
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Attempts by the government of Somaliland to have the AU re-visit the region with a mission including member state representatives were rebuffed at the AU Summits in January and July 2007. As well as Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed’s opposition to recognising Somaliland, other member states such as Egypt have expressed interest in keeping Somalia unified as a regional counterweight to Ethiopia.
Other AU states oppose Somaliland recognition on the grounds that it could set a precedent for separatist movements elsewhere on the continent. However, following the January 2008 AU meeting in Addis Ababa, the United States’ Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Dr Jendayi Frazer, called for the AU to send another senior delegation to Somaliland.
United Nations: careful consideration
The UN Security Council insists on using quotation marks when referring to Somaliland or terming it “northern Somalia”. In assessing the region’s dynamics, the March 2008 Secretary-General’s report on Somalia did not encompass a visit Somaliland. Despite this, the report determined that security in Somaliland is “fragile” and only “relatively better” than in south-central Somalia.
However aside from the border with Puntland, almost every other study on Somaliland contradicts this assertion, including reports by the United States’ Government Accountability Office, the International Crisis Group and ICOS’s field research in Somaliland. The Security Council report does recognise the need for “careful consideration” of the state identity of both Somaliland and Puntland, but assumes this will occur in the context of a Somali federation.
“Regarding international recognition of Somaliland, if [the international community] can recognise warlords, why can’t you recognise law-abiding citizens? Why be afraid of spending money on something good when you have spent so much money on something bad?”
Human rights worker
Hargeisa, Somaliland, March 2008
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European Union: supporting presidential elections
The European Union pays scant attention to Somali or Somaliland affairs. Italy is a strong advocate of unification, and few European countries have sought to make an issue out of the remote country. Nonetheless, Denmark, Sweden and particularly the UK have been supportive. In a demonstration of international contradictions regarding Somaliland, President of the European Commission Jose Manuel Barroso recently pledged European Commission support of free and fair Presidential elections there, despite the fact no formal EU recognition of the Somaliland government exists.
United States: building state capacity
The United States Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi E. Frazer’s recent testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa praised Somaliland’s achievement of “a commendable level of stability, largely without external support or assistance, which the international community must help to sustain regardless of the question of formal recognition.”
Of Somaliland’s democratic processes, Assistant Secretary Frazer commented that “we are witnessing the patient, methodical emergence of representative institutions.” Despite the lack of formal recognition, the United States government has channelled limited amounts of aid for capacity-building in Somaliland’s parliament and to support elections. Following Assistant Secretary Frazer’s meeting with Somaliland President Riyale, a US State Department spokesman stressed that the US was not planning to recognise Somaliland. However, he did state that, “there is a process underway that the AU is engaged in and we are going to be watching very closely that situation”.
“If you knock back [Somaliland‘s request for recognition], you’re neglecting the achievements of democracy, security and stability… there is a need for a stable presence in the region.”
Mohamed, 26, from Somaliland
London, April 2008
“The majority of people want support for independence. Recognition is their main focus.”
Journalist
Hargeisa, March 2008
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Somaliland Conflict Dynamics: Skirmishes with Puntland
Although no country has ever formally recognised Somaliland, the self-declared state experienced no challenges to its physical or political independence for seven years. In August 1998, the northern region of Puntland, on Somaliland’s south-eastern border, was established as an autonomous region. Like Somaliland, Puntland has enjoyed relative stability and its government provides basic services. However, the political objective of the local administration is a unified or federated Somalia. Since 1998, there has been sporadic conflict between Puntland and Somaliland over the border regions Sool and eastern Sanaag. The Puntland authority has appealed to clan loyalties in the areas, as they belong to the same Harti clan family predominant in Puntland. Troops are currently at a stand-off, but control over the border region continues to shift, and any political and economic interventions in the areas risk increasing tensions.
